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1.64 MB

Extraction Summary

5
People
8
Organizations
9
Locations
4
Events
4
Relationships
4
Quotes

Document Information

Type: Book page / report excerpt
File Size: 1.64 MB
Summary

This document discusses the aftermath of the Snowden leaks, focusing on documents released after Snowden left Hong Kong, particularly regarding the alleged surveillance of German Chancellor Angela Merkel. It details the intelligence community's suspicion that hostile parties like Russia or China may have gained access to sensitive NSA "Level 3" documents, potentially compromising U.S. espionage capabilities.

People (5)

Organizations (8)

Name Type Context
U.S. intelligence community
Der Spiegel
NSA
Wired
German federal prosecutor
intelligence services of Germany
intelligence services of France
intelligence services of Israel

Timeline (4 events)

Der Spiegel story publication
Wired interview (2014)
German federal prosecutor investigation (2015)
Snowden reaching Moscow

Relationships (4)

to
to
to

Key Quotes (4)

"If Snowden didn’t give journalists this document in Hong Kong, we can assume an intermediary fed it to Appelbaum to publish in Der Spiegel."
Source
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Quote #1
"Clearly, someone had access."
Source
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Quote #2
"Although they revealed little if anything that the intelligence services of Germany, France, and Israel were not already aware of, they raised a public outcry in allies against NSA surveillance, and the outcry became the event itself."
Source
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Quote #3
"Ledgett had described as a “roadmap” to U.S. electronic espionage against Russia and China."
Source
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Quote #4

Full Extracted Text

Complete text extracted from the document (2,428 characters)

The Keys to the Kingdom Are Missing | 185
The mystery of the post–Hong Kong documents also intrigued
members of the U.S. intelligence community with whom I discussed
it. When I asked a former intelligence executive about the ultimate
source for the Merkel story, he responded, “If Snowden didn’t give
journalists this document in Hong Kong, we can assume an inter-
mediary fed it to Appelbaum to publish in Der Spiegel.” According
to him, the NSA investigation had determined that Snowden indeed
had copied an NSA list of the cell phone numbers of foreign leaders,
including the number of Merkel. This list became the basis of the
Der Spiegel story.
It was also clear that Snowden gave credence to the release in Mos-
cow. He made a major point about the hacking of Merkel’s phone
in an interview with Wired in 2014. Just about two weeks before
the leak, Kucherena said Snowden still had access to the documents.
Clearly, someone had access. But whoever was behind it, the release
of information about the alleged bugging of Merkel’s phone resulted
in badly fraying U.S. relations with Germany in the midst of devel-
oping troubles in Ukraine. As it later turned out, according to the
investigation of the German federal prosecutor, which concluded in
2015, there was no evidence found in this document, or elsewhere,
that Merkel’s calls were ever actually intercepted. Although they
revealed little if anything that the intelligence services of Germany,
France, and Israel were not already aware of, they raised a public
outcry in allies against NSA surveillance, and the outcry became the
event itself.
While these post–Hong Kong documents had little if any intel-
ligence value, they provided further evidence that at least part of
the stolen NSA documents was in the hands of a party hostile to the
United States. If so, it wasn’t much of a leap to assume that this party
also had access to the far more valuable Level 3 documents revealing
the NSA’s sources and methods, such as the one that Ledgett had
described as a “roadmap” to U.S. electronic espionage against Russia
and China.
Within the intelligence community, this concern was heightened
by new countermeasures to this espionage employed by Russia and
China after Snowden reached Moscow. For example, there were
indications that the NSA had lost part of its capabilities to follow
Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 185
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019673

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